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252. New York 1801 Assembly, Tioga County
253. New York 1801 Assembly, Ulster County
254. New York 1801 Assembly, Washington County
255. New York 1801 Convention, Albany County
256. New York 1801 Convention, Cayuga County
257. New York 1801 Convention, Columbia County
258. New York 1801 Convention, Dutchess County
259. New York 1801 Convention, Montgomery County
260. New York 1801 Convention, Oneida County
261. New York 1801 Convention, Onondaga County
262. New York 1801 Convention, Ontario and Steuben Counties
263. New York 1801 Convention, Otsego County
264. New York 1801 Convention, Queens County
265. New York 1801 Convention, Rensselaer County
266. New York 1801 Convention, Schoharie County
267. New York 1801 Convention, Tioga County
268. New York 1801 Convention, Washington County
269. New York 1801 Governor
270. New York 1801 Lieutenant Governor
271. New York 1801 State Senate, Eastern District
272. New York 1801 State Senate, Middle District
273. New York 1801 State Senate, Southern District
274. New York 1801 State Senate, Western District
275. New York 1802 Assembly, Albany County
276. New York 1802 Assembly, Cayuga County
277. New York 1802 Assembly, Columbia County
278. New York 1802 Assembly, Dutchess County
279. New York 1802 Assembly, Genesee and Ontario Counties
280. New York 1802 Assembly, Greene County
281. New York 1802 Assembly, Herkimer County
282. New York 1802 Assembly, Montgomery County
283. New York 1802 Assembly, New York County
284. New York 1802 Assembly, Oneida County
285. New York 1802 Assembly, Onondaga County
286. New York 1802 Assembly, Orange County
287. New York 1802 Assembly, Otsego County
288. New York 1802 Assembly, Queens County
289. New York 1802 Assembly, Rensselaer County
290. New York 1802 Assembly, Saratoga County
291. New York 1802 Assembly, Schoharie County
292. New York 1802 Assembly, Steuben County
293. New York 1802 Assembly, Suffolk County
294. New York 1802 Assembly, Tioga County
295. New York 1802 Assembly, Ulster County
296. New York 1802 Assembly, Washington County
297. New York 1802 Assembly, Westchester County
298. New York 1802 Clerk of the Assembly
299. New York 1802 Council of Appointment
300. New York 1802 Speaker of the Assembly
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New York exerted tremendous influence in the politics of the early republic. Along with Pennsylvania, it was a battleground state, and competition bred innovation. During the 1790s, partisan activists in New York (like those in Pennsylvania) pioneered methods of popular partisan mobilization. After 1820, Empire state pols created the model of the party as a disciplined peacetime army, focused on winning and keeping political power.
The state constitution of 1777 divided state government between a governor with a three-year term, a Senate with staggered four-year terms, and an Assembly that was elected every year. A Council of Revision (consisting of the governor, the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court) held the power to veto legislation. The governor and both houses of the legislature were elected, along with a lieutenant governor and town clerks, supervisors, assessors, constables, and collectors. All other offices were appointive—most of them by the governor and/or a Council of Appointment, which consisted of the governor and four senators. The constitutional language on appointments was contradictory and a source of fierce partisan conflict. Until 1793 the governor made appointments with the advice and consent of the Council of Appointment; after that date, the Council assumed a "concurrent right" to nominate officers. Adult male freeholders who owned real and personal property worth at least £20 and tenant farmers who paid at least 40 shillings in rent, along with the freemen of Albany and New York, could vote for members of the Assembly. Electing the governor and senators was limited to adult males worth £100. Voting was by paper ballot, but in some areas the political "friends" of great men handed voters colored or intricately folded ballots and watched them deposit those ballots to ensure that they voted properly!
Within this institutional framework, New York political leaders forged a fiercely competitive politics. By 1787, two clear partisan groupings had emerged in state politics: the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, and the followers of Governor George Clinton. While the former practiced an elitist politics, the latter appealed to the egalitarian yearnings of middling and poor constituents and, by 1800, allied themselves with the national Republican Party. The two parties were evenly matched during the 1790s, when Republicans pioneered techniques of mass political mobilizations: electoral rallies and parades, printed ballots, partisan newspapers and handbills, door-to-door canvassing. Republicans won a commanding majority in state government in 1800 and then quickly split into three competing factions, each centered on a single leader and held together by personal loyalty and patronage: the Clintonians, increasingly led by George Clinton's nephew De Witt; the Burrites, led by Aaron Burr; and the Livingston family.
These factions' squabbling spilled over into the electoral arena with alarming regularity. In 1804, the Burrites broke from the party, running Aaron Burr for governor against the candidate of the Clinton and Livingston factions. The following year, the Clintonians staged a revolt against Governor Morgan Lewis, head of the Livingston faction, and appealed to the Burrites for an alliance. This move split the Burrites, with opponents of the alliance taking the name Martling Men. For their part, the Livingston faction, known as the Quids, forged an alliance with the Federalists. The Clintonians trounced the Quids in the 1807 gubernatorial election, bringing rival tickets (but not internectine struggles) to an end—for a while. In 1812 the Republicans nominated De Witt Clinton for governor, a move that inspired the Burrites to run their own candidate. This ever-shifting factional dance gave New York politicians a well-earned reputation for intrigue. Oliver Wolcott, a New Englander who relocated to the state, wrote that "after living a dozen years in New York, I don't pretend to comprehend their politics. It is a labyrinth of wheels within wheels, and it is understood only by the managers."
The years immediately following the War of 1812 brought important changes to this factional mess. The Livingstons and Burrites lost power. The Federalists, discredited by their behavior during the war, disbanded in 1820. The Bucktails, led by Martin Van Buren, emerged as the sole challengers to the Clintonians. In some respects, the Bucktails were just like the factions they replaced, frequently forging new alliances and changing their policies for tactical advantage. But in important ways they were different. Led by upwardly mobile men of middling origin, they explicitly rejected the personalist politics that had dominated New York since before the Revolution. Rather than basing political allegiances on personal loyalty and patronage, Van Buren envisioned parties as embodiments of competing social interests, held together by principle and policy. Although the Bucktails did not hew to consistent policies or principles until the early 1830s, they did become a disciplined political machine. Activists united behind party candidates and policies, on pain of losing office; Bucktail newspapers and activists propagated a single, clear partisan message. Van Buren's faction gained control of state government in 1820. So effective were the Bucktails in retaining power that their Clintonian enemies dubbed them the Albany Regency.
The Bucktails also proved the champions of a widened popular participation in politics. They dominated the 1821 state constitutional convention, which dramatically expanded the suffrage, increased the number of elective posts, and abolished constitutional checks on the power of elected officials. The new constitution eliminated the Council of Revision, empowering the governor with the legislative veto. It abolished the Council of Appointment, transferring the selection of sheriffs, county clerks, and coroners to the voters, while leaving the election of most state officials in the hands of the legislature. And it eliminated the property qualification for the vote among white men. Beginning in 1822, any white adult male who paid state or county taxes, worked on the public roads, or served in the militia could vote for all elective officers. African American males, however, faced a $250 property qualification for the suffrage.
The Bucktails dominated state politics after 1820. Only in 1824 did the Clintonians, now dubbing themselves the "People's Men," win the governorship and a majority in the legislature. The next year, both factions, shaken by John Quincy Adams's ascension to the presidency, made an alliance behind the presidential ambitions of Andrew Jackson. By 1828 the state's factional conflict turned on national allegiances, with a Jacksonian party opposed by Adams men (also known as National Republicans). The political conflicts of the 1820s led both Clintonians and Bucktails to revive many of the old techniques of popular mobilization pioneered in the 1790s—and to increase their effectiveness through an unprecedented degree of discipline among party cadre. When Martin Van Buren became Andrew Jackson's campaign manager in 1828, the Bucktails' methods and organization provided the core model on which national party politics was built.
Bibliography
- Alexander, DeAlva Stanwood.
Political History of the State of New York. 3 vols. New York: Henry Holt, 1909). - Benson, Lee.
The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case, 1961 ; reprint ed. New York: Atheneum, 1964). - Brooke, John L.
Columbia Rising: Civil Life on the Upper Hudson from the Revolution to the Age of Jackson. Chapeh Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. - Cole, Donald B.
Martin Van Buren and the American Political System. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984. - Countryman, Edward.
"From Revolution to Statehood." In Milton M. Klein, ed.,The Empire State: A History of New York. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001, pp. 229–301. - Huston, Reeve.
Land and Freedom: Rural Society, Popular Protest, and Party Politics in Antebellum New York. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. - Taylor, Alan.
William Cooper’s Town: Power and Persuasion on the Frontier of the Early American Republic. New York: Knopf, 1995. - Young, Alfred F.
The Democratic-Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763–1797. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987.