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2. Delaware 1791 Constitutional Convention, Kent County
3. Delaware 1792 Electoral College
4. Delaware 1792 Governor
5. Delaware 1792 State Senate, Kent County
6. Delaware 1792 U.S. House of Representatives
7. Delaware 1794 House of Representatives, New Castle County
8. Delaware 1794 House of Representatives, Sussex County
9. Delaware 1794 State Senate, Kent County
10. Delaware 1794 State Senate, New Castle County
11. Delaware 1794 State Senate, Sussex County
12. Delaware 1794 U.S. House of Representatives
13. Delaware 1795 Governor
14. Delaware 1795 House of Representatives, New Castle County
15. Delaware 1795 House of Representatives, Sussex County
16. Delaware 1795 State Senate, Sussex County
17. Delaware 1795 U.S. Senate, Special
18. Delaware 1796 Electoral College
19. Delaware 1796 House of Representatives, Kent County
20. Delaware 1796 House of Representatives, New Castle County
21. Delaware 1796 House of Representatives, Sussex County
22. Delaware 1796 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
23. Delaware 1796 Sheriff, Kent County
24. Delaware 1796 Sheriff, Sussex County
25. Delaware 1796 State Senate, Kent County
26. Delaware 1796 State Senate, New Castle County
27. Delaware 1796 State Senate, Sussex County
28. Delaware 1796 U.S. House of Representatives
29. Delaware 1797 Coroner, New Castle County
30. Delaware 1797 House of Representatives, New Castle County
31. Delaware 1797 House of Representatives, Sussex County
32. Delaware 1797 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
33. Delaware 1797 Sheriff, New Castle County
34. Delaware 1797 State Senate, New Castle County
35. Delaware 1797 U.S. Senate
36. Delaware 1798 Coroner, Kent County
37. Delaware 1798 Governor
38. Delaware 1798 House of Representatives, Kent County
39. Delaware 1798 House of Representatives, New Castle County
40. Delaware 1798 Levy Court Commissioner, Kent County
41. Delaware 1798 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
42. Delaware 1798 State Senate, Kent County
43. Delaware 1798 State Senate, New Castle County
44. Delaware 1798 U.S. House of Representatives
45. Delaware 1798 U.S. Senate, Special
46. Delaware 1799 House of Representatives, Kent County
47. Delaware 1799 House of Representatives, Sussex County
48. Delaware 1799 Levy Court Commissioner, Kent County
49. Delaware 1799 Sheriff, Kent County
50. Delaware 1799 Sheriff, Sussex County
51. Delaware 1799 State Senate, Kent County
52. Delaware 1799 U.S. Senate
53. Delaware 1799 U.S. Senate, Special
54. Delaware 1800 Coroner, Kent County
55. Delaware 1800 Coroner, New Castle County
56. Delaware 1800 Electoral College
57. Delaware 1800 House of Representatives, Kent County
58. Delaware 1800 House of Representatives, New Castle County
59. Delaware 1800 House of Representatives, Sussex County
60. Delaware 1800 Levy Court Commissioner, Kent County
61. Delaware 1800 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
62. Delaware 1800 Sheriff, New Castle County
63. Delaware 1800 State Senate, Kent County
64. Delaware 1800 State Senate, New Castle County
65. Delaware 1800 State Senate, Sussex County
66. Delaware 1800 U.S. House of Representatives
67. Delaware 1801 Assessor, Mill Creek Hundred
68. Delaware 1801 Governor
69. Delaware 1801 House of Representatives, Kent County
70. Delaware 1801 House of Representatives, New Castle County
71. Delaware 1801 House of Representatives, New Castle County, Special
72. Delaware 1801 House of Representatives, Sussex County
73. Delaware 1801 Inspector, Mill Creek Hundred
74. Delaware 1801 Levy Court Commissioner, Kent County
75. Delaware 1801 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
76. Delaware 1801 Sheriff, Kent County
77. Delaware 1801 State Senate, Kent County
78. Delaware 1801 State Senate, New Castle County
79. Delaware 1801 State Senate, New Castle County, Special
80. Delaware 1801 State Senate, Sussex County
81. Delaware 1802 House of Representatives, Kent County
82. Delaware 1802 House of Representatives, New Castle County
83. Delaware 1802 House of Representatives, Sussex County
84. Delaware 1802 Levy Court Commissioner, New Castle County
85. Delaware 1802 Sheriff, Sussex County
86. Delaware 1802 State Senate, Kent County
87. Delaware 1802 State Senate, New Castle County
88. Delaware 1802 State Senate, Sussex County
89. Delaware 1802 U.S. House of Representatives
90. Delaware 1802 U.S. Senate, Special
91. Delaware 1803 Assessor, Brandywine Hundred
92. Delaware 1803 Coroner, Kent County
93. Delaware 1803 Coroner, New Castle County
94. Delaware 1803 House of Representatives, Kent County
95. Delaware 1803 House of Representatives, Sussex County
96. Delaware 1803 Inspector, Brandywine Hundred
97. Delaware 1803 Levy Court Commissioner, Kent County
98. Delaware 1803 Road Commission, Brandywine Hundred
99. Delaware 1803 Sheriff, New Castle County
100. Delaware 1803 State Senate, Kent County
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On December 7, 1787 the Delaware State Legislature, by a unanimous vote of 30 to 0, became the first state to ratify the newly proposed national Constitution.
When a new State Constitution was adopted in 1792, the office of State Executive, which had previously been called President and chosen by the Legislature, was changed to Governor, and became an elected position. The term of office was kept at three years.
Delaware with only three counties (New Castle, Kent and Sussex) had the fewest in the nation. They also had the smallest State Legislature, comprised of nine State Senators and twenty-one Representatives.
Each county had three Senators, serving for three years. Their terms were staggered, so that one Senator was elected every year from each county. The House of Representatives had twenty one members, seven from each county, and who were elected annually at large.
Congressional, State and County Elections were held simultaneously in early October. Delaware elected one Congressman from 1788 – 1810, two for 1812 – 1820, and then one again from 1822 onward. State offices elected by popular vote were Governor, State Senator and Representatives. County officials elected by popular vote were Levy Court Commissioners, Coroners and Sheriff.
The voting alignment of the three counties, with New Castle voting Republican and Sussex and Kent being Federalist, meant that the State Legislature was almost always controlled by Federalists. As a result, from 1792 to 1820 Delaware chose Federalist Presidential Electors, even in 1820 when all four electors gave their Vice Presidential votes to Daniel Rodney, a Federalist and former Governor.
The Legislature also selected United States Senators, and with the exception of Caesar A. Rodney, who was elected in 1822, all those chosen during this time period were Federalists.
Party competition began with the state elections of 1792 and continued virtually unabated until 1826, when the last Federalist Governor was elected. Despite the dominance of Federalists in the Legislature, the parties were fairly balanced in popular voting strength, with Republicans electing their candidate for Governor in 1801, 1810, 1820 and 1822 and Congressmen in 1792, 1794, 1802 and capturing one of their two seats in 1816, 1818 and 1820.
Delaware counties were broken down into Hundreds, which seem to be the equivalent of townships. By 1811 state election returns started to be reported by Hundreds, a procedure which began showing the tight cohesion in voting amongst Federalist and Republican tickets.
The Hundreds also elected local officials such as Assessors, Inspectors and Road Commissioners. These elections were held in September, before the state voted in October, and on occasion, if they were favorable to either party, these returns were reported in the newspapers.
Delaware, the first state in the Union was the last to elect a Federalist Governor.
Bibliography
Federalist
The Federalist Party
The Federalist Party was dominated by a man who never actually ran for public office in the United States - Alexander Hamilton. "Alexander Hamilton was, writes Marcus Cunliffe, 'the executive head with the most urgent program to implement, with the sharpest ideas of what he meant to do and with the boldest desire to shape the national government accordingly.' In less than two years he presented three reports, defining a federal economic program which forced a major debate not only on the details of the program but on the purpose for which the union has been formed. Hamilton's own sense of purpose was clear; he would count the revolution for independence a success only if it were followed by the creation of a prosperous commerical nation, comparable, perhaps even competitive, in power and in energy, with its European counterparts." (fn: Marcus Cunliffe, The Nation Takes Shape, 1789-1837, (Chicago, 1959), 23.) (Linda K. Kerber, History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher. p. 11)
"Federalists created their political program out of a political vision. They had shared in the revolutionaries' dream of a Republic of Virtue, and they emerged from a successful war against empire to search for guarantees that the republican experiment would not collapse." (Kerber, p. 3)
"The Federalist political demand was for a competent government, one responsible for the destiny of the nation and with the power to direct what that destiny would be. What was missing in postwar America, they repeatedly complained in a large variety of contexts, was order, predictability, stability. A competent government would guarantee the prosperity and external security of the nation; a government of countervailing balances was less likely to be threatened by temporary lapses in civic virtue, while remaining strictly accountable to the public will." (Kerber, p. 4)
"So long as Federalists controlled and staffed the agencies of the national government, the need to formulate alternate mechanisms for party decision making was veiled; with a Federalist in the White House, Federalists in the Cabinet, and Federalist majorities in Congress, the very institutional agencies of the government would themselves be the mechanism of party. Federal patronage could be used to bind party workers to the Federalist 'interest.' 'The reason of allowing Congress to appoint its own officers of the Customs, collectors of the taxes and military officers of every rank,' Hamilton said, 'is to create in the interior of each State, a mass of influence in favor of the Federal Government.' (fn: Alexander Hamilton, 1782, quoted in Lisle A. Rose, Prologue to Democracy: The Federalists in the South, 1789-1800, (Lexington, Kentucky, 1968), 3.) Federalists though of themselves as a government, not as a party; their history in the 1790's would be the history of alignments within the government, rather than of extrernal alignments which sought to influence the machinery of government." (Kerber, p. 10)
"Major national issues invigorated the process of party formation; as state groups came, slowly and hesitantly, to resemble each other. The issues on which pro-administration and anti-administration positions might be assumed increased in number and in obvious significance; the polarity of the parties became clearer." (Kerber, p. 11)
"As Adams' presidential decisions sequentially created a definition of the administration's goals as clear as Hamilton's funding program had once done, the range of political ideology which called itself Federalist simply became too broad to the party successfully to cast over it a unifying umbrella. Federalists were unified in their response to the XYZ Affair, and in their support of the Alien and Sedition Acts, which passed as party measures in the Fifth Congress, but in little else. The distance between Adams and Hamilton - in political philosophy, in willingness to contemplate war with France, in willingness to manipulate public opinion - was unbridgable; Hamilton's ill-tempered anti-Adams pamphlet of 1800 would be confirmation of a long-established distaste." (Kerber, p. 14)
"One result of the war was to add to Federalist strength and party cohesion. There were several varieties of Federalist congressional opinion on the war: most believed that the Republicans had fomented hard feeling with England so that their party could pose as defende of American honor; many believed that in the aftermath of what they were sure to be an unsuccessful war the Republicans would fall from power and Federalists would be returned to office . . . Regardless of the region from which they came, Federalists voted against the war with virtual unanimity." (Kerber, p. 24)
"As an anti-war party, Federalists retained their identity as an opposition well past wartime into a period that is usually known as the Era of Good Feelings and assumed to be the occasion of a one party system. In 1816, Federalists 'controlled the state governments of Maryland, Delaware, Connecticut and Massachusetts; they cast between forty percent and fifty percent of the popular votes in New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Vermont...Such wide support did not simply vanish...' (fn: Shaw Livermore, Jr. The Twilight of Federalism: The Disintegration of the Federalist Party 1815-1830, (Princeton, 1962), 265.) Rather, that support remained available, and people continued to attempt to make careers as Federalists (though, probably fewer initiated new careers as Federalists). Because men like Rufus King and Harrison Gray Otis retained their partisan identity intact, when real issues surfaced, like the Missouri debates of 1820, a 'formed opposition' still remained to respond to a moral cause and to oppose what they still thought of as a 'Virginia system.' Each of the candidates, including Jackson in the disputed election of 1824 had Federalist supporters, and their presence made a difference; Shaw Livermore argues that the central 'corrupt bargain' was not Adams' with Clay, but Adams' promise of patronage to Federalists which caused Webster to deliver the crucial Federalist votes that swung the election. If the war had increased Federalist strength, it also, paradoxically, had operated to decrease it, for prominent Federalists rallied to a beleaguered government in the name of unity and patriotism. These wartime republicans included no less intense Federalists than Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut and William Plumer of New Hampshire, both of whom went on to become Republican governors of their respective states, and in their careers thus provide emblems for the beginning of a one party period, and the slow breakdown of the first party system." (Kerber, p. 24)
"The dreams of the Revolution had been liberty and order, freedom and power; in seeking to make these dreams permanent, to institutionalize some things means to lose others. The Federalists, the first to be challenged by power, would experience these contradictions most sharply; a party that could include John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and Noah Webster, would be its own oxymoron. In the end the party perished out of internal contradiction and external rival, but the individuals who staffed it continued on to staff its succesors." (Kerber, p, 25)
Additional Sources:
- History of U.S. Political Parties Volume I: 1789-1860: From Factions to Parties. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., ed. New York, 1973, Chelsea House Publisher.
- The Revolution of American Conservatism: The Federalist Party in the Era of Jeffersonian Democracy. David Hackett Fischer. New York, 1965, Harper and Row.
- The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788-1800. Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick. New York, 1993, Oxford University Press.
The Federalists were referred to by many monikers over the years by newspapers.
American Party:
- In 1809, The Concord Gazette refers to the Federalist Ticket as the American Ticket.
- Beginning in 1810, the Newburyport Herald (MA), began referring to Federalists as the American Party (as opposed to the "French" Party, who were Republicans). This continued in the 1811 elections.
Anti-Republican:
The Aurora, based in Philadelphia, the most well-known Republican newspaper of the era (see American Aurora: A Democratic-Republican Returns by Richard N. Rosenfeld.) in the February 11, 1800 issue referred to Mr. Holmes, the losing candidate for the Special Election for the Philadelphia County seat in the House of Representatives as an "anti-republican".
Federal Republican:
The October 7, 1799 issue of the Maryland Herald (Easton) referred to the Federalist ticket of Talbot County as Federal Republicans. It would continue to be used intermittently throughout the next 20 years. Newspapers that used this term included the Gazette of the United States (Philadelphia) and Philadelphia Gazette in 1800, the Newport Mercury in 1808, the New Bedford Mercury in 1810, the True American (Philadelphia) in 1812, the Northumberland Republican (Sunbury) in 1815, the United States Gazette (Philadelphia) in 1816 and the Union (Philadelphia) in 1821 and 1822.
Friends of Peace / Peace / Peace Ticket:
Beginning in 1812 ("In laying before our readers the above Canvass of this county, a few remarks become necessary, to refute the Assertion of the war party, that the Friends of Peace are decreasing in this country." Northern Whig (Hudson). May 11, 1812.) and continuing through to 1815 a number of newspapers referred to the Federalists as the Peace Party (or Peacemaker Party, as the Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill) of March 19, 1814 used), as the Peace Ticket or as the Friends of Peace due to their opposition of the War of 1812 (many of these same newspapers referred to the Republicans as the War Party). This use occurred all through at least August of 1815, with the Raleigh Minerva of August 18, 1815 referring to the Federalist candidates as Peace candidates.
These newspapers include the Columbian Centinel (Boston), Merrimack Intelligencer (Haverhill), Providence Gazette, the New York Evening Post, the New York Spectator, the Commercial Advertiser (New York), Northern Whig (Hudson), the Broome County Patriot (Chenango Point), the Independent American (Ballston Spa), the Baltimore Patriot, the Alexandria Gazette, Poulson's, Middlesex Gazette (Middletown), the Political and Commercial Register (Philadelphia), Freeman's Journal (Philadelphia), the Carlisle Herald, Northampton Farmer, Intelligencer and Weekly Advertiser (Lancaster), National Intelligencer (Washington), The Federal Republican (New Bern), the Raleigh Minerva, The Star (Raleigh) and Charleston Courier.
The New Hampshire Gazette (Portsmouth) took the opposite side, listing the Federalists in the March 16, 1813 edition as "Advocates of Dishonorable Peace and Submission."
Additional Sources:
"The Tyranny of Printers": Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic. Jeffrey L. Pasley. Charlottesville, 2001, University Press of Virginia.