On April 28, 1788, the Maryland Legislature, by a vote of 63 to 11, became the seventh state to ratify the new proposed national Constitution.
With the creation of Allegany on December 25, 1789, the number of counties in Maryland increased to nineteen, a number that stayed constant until 1837. In addition, Baltimore and Annapolis were classified as cities.
Maryland had three Legislative bodies. The House of Delegates, which was elected annually in October, had eighty members; four were chosen at large from each county and two from both Baltimore City and Annapolis.
A State Senate of fifteen members was chosen every five years in early September and by an unusual method. An Electoral College of forty members was chosen, consisting of two members from the counties and one each from Baltimore City and Annapolis. The Electoral College then voted to elect nine Senators to represent the Western Counties and six for what was termed the Eastern Shore. There was not much interest in these elections until 1801, when for the first time; they became a political contest between the Federalist and Republican parties.
In addition to the above, a Governor’s Council of five members was elected annually by a joint session of the House of Delegates and State Senate. They assisted the Governor who was also chosen yearly by the Legislature.
Since the House of Delegates and State Senate voted together in electing the Governor, United States Senators and Governor’s Council, a potentially difficult situation could arise, if control of these two bodies was split between both parties. This played out in the election of 1800, when for the first time, Republicans won control of the House of Delegates, but Federalists still controlled the State Senate. As a result, the Federalists were able to elect their Governor, United States Senator and the entire Governor’s Council, even though Republicans had clearly won the state election.
Popular elections were held in Maryland for Congress, Presidential Electors, House of Delegates, State Senator Electors and County Sheriff. After the elections of 1788 and 1792, all Congressmen and Presidential Electors were chosen by districts. In addition, popular elections for city officers were held in Baltimore and Annapolis.
Except for the overwhelming Republican vote from Baltimore City, the parties were over all fairly evenly matched. After losing control of the state in 1801, the Federalists stayed relatively competitive and were able to rebound and capture the House of Delegates in 1808, and again from 1812–1817. Their greatest victory came in 1816 when they elected five out of nine congressmen, all fifteen State Senators, and had a 56 to 24 edge in the House of Delegates.
With their large majorities in the House of Delegates after 1812 and then by winning the State Senate in 1816, the Federalists were able to elect their Governors and Council members from 1812–1818 along with two United States Senators, one in 1813 and another in 1816. For several years they were in complete control of the Maryland Government.
By 1819 the Federalists lost their majority in the House of Delegates and two years later the entire State Senate. Only fourteen Federalists were elected to the House of Delegates in 1823. However, the following year in an unexpected turn of events, Federalists ran candidates in seven of the eight congressional contests, electing three members and losing another by running two candidates, splitting their votes, thus allowing a Republican to win. Voter turnout for this election was the highest ever cast in Maryland. It was perhaps a precursor to the changing political scene that was about to engulf the nation.
- "State History", Maryland, Things to do.com, (2006)Software Solutions
- Archives of Maryland Historical List Maryland Government
In Pennsylvania, the Quids, known first as "Constitutionalists", arose out of a split among the Republicans in local Philadelphia politics.
The various Republican splinter movements in New York [Burrites, Lewisites and Clintonians] although most had underlying economic and reform issues, they often instead rallied around a central personality. As did most Republican splinter movements in Pennsylvania with exception of the Constitutional Republicans, a movement formed to prevent proposed judicial changes to the Pennsylvania Constitution. In addition to these, there were within Congress a group of individuals who were often classified as Quids. Among this group were congressmen from Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, New Jersey and North Carolina. Mainly elected in 1804 and 1806 as Republicans, they began to question some actions and direction of their party. When reaction to the Embargo revitalized the Federalist; New York and Pennsylvania dissident Republican movements moved back into the main party. On the Congressional level, a few remained in opposition, some declined to run for re-election, and others were not re-nominated.
"The first evidence of this appeared in reports of a dinner of the 'Democratic Constitutional Republicans' held at the White Horse Tavern in Philadelphia on March 4, 1805, to celebrate Jefferson's second inauguration. A few days later the Freeman's Journal printed a proposal, dated March 14, for forming 'The Society of Constitutional Republicans.' This document recognized the sovereignity of the people, the principle of majority rule, and the right of the people, to alter and abolish their government as they saw fit. However, it described the Pennsylvania Constitution, along with the Federal Constitution, as 'the noblest invention of human wisdom, for the self-government of man' and avowed that it should be changed only when the motives and causes were 'obvious, cogent, general and conclusive.' Great political blessings were enjoyed under the Constitution, and it required no alteration. The list of the society's principles closed with an assertion of loyalty to the existing State and Federal administrations." (The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816. Sanford W. Higginbotham. 1952. p 82-83)
"Continuing the practice of the preceding year, the Aurora referred to the Constitutional Republicans as Quids. The latter professed to find the title an honorable one. A writer on the Freeman's Journal asserted that a 'tertium quid' was a substance used in pharmacy to transform a poison into a medicine and avowed that there was a great need for such an element in politics. A third party would determine whether there would be 'liberty of despotism.'" (Higginbotham, p 91)
"The incident [the Special election of State Senator for District 1 in December of 1805] highlighted one aspect of the dilemma which faced the Pennsylvania Quids so long as they existed - how to avoid becoming a tail to the Federalist kite when the Democratic leaders would not permit them to rejoin their old party." (Higginbotham, p 105)
"With McKean ineligible for another term in 1808 and with national issues making union with the Federalists less and less palatable, the great majority of Constitutional Republicans wished to return to the Republican ranks. However, they had no desire to submit to the leadership of Leib and Duane after the many indignities they had suffered at their hands. An alliance with the country Republicans, who were also seeking to rid the party of the domination of Leib and Duane, seemed a logical and natural arrangement." (Higginbotham, p 138)
"The election of 1808 was a significant demonstration of the depth and strength of Pennsylvania Republicanism. The Federalists had been favored by many circumstances - Republican disunity over presidential candidates; the Leib-Boileau quarrel among the Democrats; Quid cooperation with them in the three preceding elections; and, most important, the economic hardships of the embargo. Yet they had lost by an overwhelming majority. Republican unity reappeared under the stimulus of a revived Federalism campaigning on national issues. Internal divisions were suppressed, and the Republicans gave undivided support to Madison and Snyder. The stresses of the campaign destroyed the Constitutional Republicans as a third party, though there were vestiges in a few counties." (Higginbotham, p 176)
"The strength and nature of this factionalism varied, but it never entirely disappeared. The first stage lasted from 1800 to 1805. Personal and local differences appeared almost immediately as the Federalists virtually abandoned politics. The struggle between Governor McKean and the country Democrats in the legislature over judicial reform and the failure of the attack on the judiciary culminated in the movement for a constitutional convention. Duane and Leib, whose arbitrary control of the party in Philadelphia had produced a violent schism, took sides against the Governor. Aided by the Federalists, the Constitutional Republicans, generally called Quids, were able to defeat the project for a convention and to re-elect McKean." (Higginbotham, p 328)
"Adapted from tertium quid, a 'third something,' the name 'Quid' was first prominently used in a political sense in Pennsylvania in 1804, and it was soon affixed to a faction of the Republican party officially calling itself the Society of Constitutional Republicans. The Pennsylvania Quids attracted Federalist support and in 1805 re-elected Governor Thomas McKean, who had been the choice of a united Republican party in 1802 but was opposed by the majority wing of the party in 1805. (fn: Sanford W. Higginbotham. The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816, p. 69, 346.)." ("Who Were the Quids?" Noble E. Cunningham, Jr. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. Vol. 50, No. 2 (Sep. 1963), p. 254)
"The use of 'Quid' to refer to various third-party factions which plagued the Jeffersonian Republicans must not, however, be construed to mean that all Quids were part of the same third-party movement. When John Randolph referred to the third party, he was not being accurate. There was no such thing. The Quids in Pennsylvania and in New York - the only states where they represented organized factions - were neither in league with each other nor supporters of Randolph. In both states, the Republican divisions were the products of local controversies over men, offices, and state policies, and the Quid factions had not direct connection with the schism produced in national politics by Randolph's defection." (Cunningham, p 255)
"The opponents of the Philadelphia Democrats and their rural allies were called at various times the Rising Sun Party (after a tavern where they first met in 1802), the Third Party, the Tertium Quids (Third Whats), and more often simply the Quids. The Quids hoped to tame popular politics by discrediting the radicalism that they blamed on the Philadelphia Democrats. To do so, they emphasized the nation's future greatness and the prosperity each citizen would enjoy in a vibrant economy with a peaceful representative politics committed to promoting internal economic development. Accepting, even welcoming, democracy in Pennsylvania, the Quids attempted to redefine the term. Popular politics would remain the instrument the citizens used to create the conditions that produced material independence. But democracy would only provide such indepedence of circumstances when Pensylvanians realized that their power should not be used to disrupt or hindred private energies or the use of property." (Crucible of American Democracy: The Struggle to Fuse Egalitarianism and Capitalism in Jeffersonian Pennsylvania. Andrew Shankman. University Press of Kansas. 2004. p. 96)
- The Keystone in the Democratic Arch: Pennsylvania Politics, 1800-1816. Sanford W. Higginbotham. 1952.
- Crucible of American Democracy: The Struggle to Fuse Egalitarianism and Capitalism in Jeffersonian Pennsylvania. Andrew Shankman. University Press of Kansas. 2004.